Biography Murat Zyazikov

Zyazikov, Murat Deputy Plenipotentiary of the President of the Russian Federation in the Central Federal District Zyazikov, Murat Deputy Plenipotentiary of the President of the Russian Federation in the Central Federal District Deputy Plenipotentiary of the President of the Russian Federation in the Central Federal District since October.

Earlier - Advisor to the President of the Russian Federation, President of the Republic of Ingushetia and a member of the State Council of the Russian Federation, Deputy Presidential Plenipotentiary in the Southern Federal District of January - April of the year, Deputy Minister of Security, Former FSB officer, Doctor of Philosophy, Author of more than 40 scientific works on the international youth movement and traditional culture of the north Caucasus.

In the year he entered the History Faculty of Chechen-Ingush State University. In the year, as a third -year student, Zyazikov became a delegate to the World Youth and Students Festival held in Cuba. After the trip, during which he met Fidel Castro and representatives of the youth movement of Cuba, Zyazikov wrote the book "unforgettable meetings." The book was published in the year, the fee for it amounted to rubles a significant amount at that time.

According to Zyazikov himself, he actually began his career: shortly after the release of the book, he was appointed deputy secretary of the university Komsomol committee, then switched to party work, and then was recommended to the KGB [], [45], []. The same courses in the year were graduated by Sergey Ivanov, the first deputy prime minister of the Russian government [], in the year - Georgy Poltavchenko, plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Central District []; Zyazikov, on the other hand, studied with Oleg Ladov [99], [], [45], [].

In the year, he was appointed Deputy Minister of Security - Deputy Head of the Department of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation for the Republic of Ingushetia and secretary of the Security Council of the Republic of Ingushetia. The media indicated that Zyazikov was headed by the Department of Terrorism of the Ministry of Security of Ingushetia [71].

From the years, Zyazikov was the deputy head of the Department of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation for the Astrakhan region. Working in this position, at the same time was a member of the Commission of the Council of the Federation of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation on the problems of the North Caucasus [], [45]. According to the online publication "Gazeta.

Ru", Zyazikov was transferred from Ingushetia to the Astrakhan region because he did not have relations with the head of Ingushetia Ruslan Aushev []. According to some reports, the reason for Aushev’s early departure from the post was his dissatisfaction with the policies of the Federal Center for the Cuts of the powers of the leaders of the constituent entities of the Federation, as well as the tense relations of the Ingush leader with the plenipotentiary of the President of Russia in the Southern Federal District Viktor Kazantsev [] [] [].

Already in January, Zyazikov was appointed deputy envoy to the Southern Federal District [], []. Journalists explained the appointment of the Kremlin to make Zyazikov, Ingush by nationality, the president of the republic []. At the beginning of the year, preparations for the presidential election began in the republic. 15 people claimed this post, including the brother of the former President of Ingushetia Bagaudin Aushev and two of his distant relatives, bearing the same surname.

Ruslan Aushev himself at a press conference in Moscow stated that he wanted to see Khamzat Gutseriev, the then head of the Ingush Ministry of Internal Affairs, his brother Mikhail Gutseriev, who headed Slavneft by the then head of the Ingush Ministry of Internal Affairs. Aushev later said that he would choose from three candidates: Gutseriev, the then Prime Minister of the Republic Akhmed Malta Malta and the State Duma deputy from Ingushetia Alikhan Amirkhanov for other sources - Alimkhan Amirkhanov [].

However, the Kremlin did not support any of these candidates. But it was then that by the decree of the President of Russia Zyazikov was awarded the title of Major General of the FSB by the way, Ruslan Aushev had the title of Lieutenant General []. In addition, the Russian Supreme Court decided that Khamzat Gutseriev, who was called the indisputable leader of the election race, did not have the right to conduct election campaign from the moment the campaign to his resignation from the post of head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, without leaving for pre -election vacation [], and deprived Gutseriye registration [],.

By that time, the majority of candidates have removed their candidates in favor of Gutseriev. In the interview of Kommersant, Amirkhanov said that Zyazikov “won not like a man”, since the election results were falsified. According to Amirkhanov, 60 thousand ballots were given for voting, and supposedly 80 thousand voters voted. Amirkhanov claimed that these 20 thousand ballots printed and threw the FSB officers into the total mass of the ballots, and it was with this that he connected his defeat in the elections [].

According to the publication "Kommersant -Vlast", in the first round of the elections, the number of registered voters was thousands, and in the second - thousands of people [], [72].The publication reported that OMON employees actually blocked polling stations in those areas where Amirkhanov won the first round with a great advantage, and as a result, many of his supporters simply did not manage to vote.

Zyazikov’s opponents also stated that only those voters who had a holographic sticker, which meant that its owner was a supporter of Zyazikov [], was allowed to unhindered urns. As exactly Kazantsev contributed to this, the publication did not specify [], but the online edition of the newspaper. Ru reported that it was Kazan to the participation of Zyazikov in the elections, who wanted to see at the head of the Ingushetia of a person whom he could absolutely trust.

It was the embassy, ​​according to the publication, in order to ensure that Zyazikov went to the second round, to achieve a stronger opponent - Khamzat Gutseriev from the elections []. Aushev tried to challenge the election results. He accused the district’s leadership of violations committed in order to ensure the victory of the previously chosen candidate, and issued this issue to consideration of the Federation Council.

However, the upper house of the Russian parliament did not take any measures in connection with its appeal, and Aushev announced the withdrawal from the Federation Council [], []. In June, Zyazikov became part of the State Council of the Russian Federation - an institute created in September of the year in order to help the president ensure the coordinated work and interaction of all state authorities [].

And in August of the same year, he told reporters that he canceled a number of laws and abolished some public organizations that actively acted during the time of Aushev, as contradicting the Constitutions and the laws of the Russian Federation. In particular, the president lung up the congress of the Ingush people and abolished the likeness of the Sharia court that existed in the republic.

He also said that the special law on polygamy in Ingushetia does not need to be adopted, but made it clear that there is nothing against the custom itself [], []. According to representatives of the command of the federal forces in Chechnya, the detachment came to the republic from Georgia. He was surrounded by federal forces in the area of ​​the village of Galashki.

It was reported that the input of the battle at this settlement Gelaev was seriously wounded [], [] in early June, Zyazikov dismissed the government of the republic. This was due, as the president’s environment said, with the need to rebuild the activities of the office in the field of economic transformations. As Zyazikov himself explained to reporters, it was not about the poor work of the government in the generally accepted sense, but the shortcomings of the Cabinet of Ministers "significantly inhibit further advance" [], [].

Indeed, during the year of work, the team of Prime Minister Viktor Aleksensentsev had little change in the economic sphere of the republic: the volume of production of industrial products per capita remained approximately 15 times lower than the average in the country; Cash expenses for the population - three times lower, about half of the able -bodied population still did not have work, and more than half of the population had income below the subsistence minimum.

Almost nothing was done to return to the places of permanent residence of the Ingush refugees from the suburban district of North Ossetia, as well as the Chechen immigrants who lived in tent camps since the year. According to journalists, Zyazikov decided that the prime minister should answer for this. In any case, in the government itself, the resignation was learned from the media [].

In the year, Zyazikov was elected Vice President of the All -Russian Public Movement "Gifted Children - The Future of Russia." In October of the same year, he headed the Association of Economic Interaction of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation of the Southern Federal District "North Caucasus" [], [], []. Previously, this organization, created to solve acute financial and economic problems of the regions included in the Southern Federal District, was headed by the chairman of the State Council of the Republic of Dagestan Magomed-Ali Magomedov [].

Since the fall of the year, the situation in Ingushetia began to aggravate. The homemade landmine consisted of two mortar and one howitzer projectiles interconnected and a detonator so that all shells exploded at the same time. The sappers neutralized the landmine. The media considered the preparation attack “Zyazikov’s birthday” [], []. And on September 15, the suicide bombers, on an explosive truck filled with explosives, blew up the building of the Republican FSB in Magas.

Then Zyazikov said that "there are forces that would like the theater of hostilities to be transferred to the territory of Ingushetia," but assured the journalists that "these people will not succeed." The President of Ingushetia announced that none of the organizers of the attack would evade punishment and ordered to strengthen security measures throughout the republic. However, in March, an explosive device was discovered near the Chechen Refugees camp of Chechen refugees.

He found his children who played on the road.They talked about the find to their parents, and they reported to law enforcement agencies, after which the landmine was destroyed []. In December of the year, newspapers wrote that Ingushetia became a kind of “base” for Chechen militants, where they not only relax, but also prepare for their actions and feel as free as in Chechnya.

The guard shot down the car on the side of the road, where the Zhiguli and exploded []. Three guards were seriously injured by fragments and a nine -year -old boy passing by other sources - four guards, a boy and a woman []. Zyazikov himself, who was in the armored "Mercedes", escaped with a mild contusion and bruises [], [51]. A week later, the Chechen terrorist Shamil Basayev, who promised to kill the president of Ingushetia, took responsibility for this attack.

On one of the Internet sites of Chechen militants, a Basaev statement was placed that a certain Sharia military-field court sentenced Zyazikov to death-for the creation of favorable working conditions in the republic for federal special services. At the same time, “terrorist number one” threatened to repeat the attack no later than a month later, promising “throw Zyazikov’s head at Maskhadov’s feet” [], [].

However, by mid -April, the Russian Prosecutor General’s Office came to the conclusion that Basayev was incomprehensible to attempt, and another famous terrorist, Abu Dzeit, was preparing this crime. According to the deputy prosecutor general for the Southern Federal District of Nikolai Shepel, this became known after the personal archive of the representative of Al-Keda fell into the hands of the investigation of the attempt [50], [51].

In addition, Abu Dzeit, according to special services, led all the operations of the militants in Ingushetia [51]. It was destroyed during the special operation of the FSB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Ingush village of Kantyshevo on February 16 [77], [75], [79], [78], [76], [74]. After the attempt on Zyazikov, newspapers emphasized that even emergency measures taken or proclaimed by the heads of the region do not provide security: terrorists intercept the initiative in the power and wage war on their scenario, striking when they want, and where they want [].

At the same time, the experts reminded that Zyazikov came to power in the republic with the full and unconditional support of the Kremlin, unlike his predecessor Aushev, he did not question the expediency of military operations in Chechnya and saw in the attempted challenge of the central government in the Caucasus []. Zyazikov himself said that behind the attempt there are "forces that do not like positive processes in the Caucasus and Ingushetia" [].

In early June, Zyazikov spoke out for his appointment, and not for the election of the leaders of the constituent entities of the Federation. In an interview with the Kommersant newspaper, he explained that if the heads of regions "will not come to power, a random person will not come to power, the personnel policy will improve, large money will be maintained, the connection between the regions and the federal center" [98].

Russian President Vladimir Putin announced such a change in the country's political system only in September of the same year, shortly after the Beslan terrorist attack. However, Putin substantiated the need for a change in the need to improve the state mechanism of the country, faced with the threat of international terrorism [86], [87], [83], [52], [82], [85], [80]. On the night of June 22, several groups of militants attacked a number of settlements of Ingushetia.

This happened just a day after the statement of the president of the self -proclaimed Republic of Ichkeria Aslan Maskhadov that the separatist forces are moving to offensive tactics and transferring fighting outside Chechnya. One of the groups of militants tried to break into the capital of Ingushetia - the city of Magas, but met hard resistance. In Nazran, the militants set fire to the arms warehouses of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, having previously taken a large amount of weapons from there, and immediately retreated towards Chechnya [97].

As a result of events, 88 people were killed [95], including both civilians and law enforcement officers, were injured. On the same day, June 22, Russian President Vladimir Putin flew to Nazran and announced that the regiment of internal troops would soon be stationed in Nazran. The president later clarified that the policy itself in relation to the “Chechen issue” will change: the federal government will increase the military presence in the North Caucasus until it would be necessary before the attacks on June 22, a gradual reduction in the number of military groups in the region was carried out.

No comments were made by special services to the local authorities [96]. Zyazikov himself said that he did not have any information about the impending attack. At the same time, a member of the Duma Security Committee, Gennady Gudkov, told the News Time newspaper that the information was received by special services 10 days before the events and was supposed to be brought to the attention of the President of Ingushetia [95].Despite the attacks, the federal authorities praised Zyazikov’s activities: in July, the President of Ingushetia was included in the Presidium of the State Council of the Russian Federation [].

State Duma deputy Alexander Khinshtein explained this by the fact that Zyazikov, like other leaders of the Caucasian republics, were puppets of federal authorities. In the newspaper Moscow Komsomolets, Khinshtein claimed that although Zyazikov was in Ingushetia on June 21, he "mysteriously disappeared" on June 22 and appeared only after the battles in the republic ended - but did not pay for this [68].

In early July, the Mufti of Ingushetia Magomed Albogachiev left his post in protest against the policy of the leadership of Ingushetia [93], accusing the republic’s authorities of the collapse of the management system and unwillingness to take responsibility for what happened on the night of June 21 to 22. In an interview with the “independent newspaper”, he admitted that he had not developed “trusting relations” with Zyazikov, and this prompted him to resign to the decision.

Albogachiev also stated that with the advent of Zyazikov, the struggle with extremism and terrorism in the republic, conducted by the mufti, began to intentionally blocked by the Ingush leadership [91], [92].